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Geographical Remoteness in Bemba

Published on July 30, 2018        Author: 
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Introduction

The ICC Appeals Chamber’s acquittal of Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo continues to provoke discussion. In a previous post, I addressed the Appeals Chamber’s treatment of the relevance of a commander’s motivation in taking measures to prevent or punish the crimes of his subordinates. This issue of motivations was one of two putative errors emphasised by the Appeals Chamber in its summative paragraph – paragraph 191 – on the Trial Chamber’s finding that Mr Bemba failed to take all necessary and reasonable measures. The second putative error identified in that paragraph concerned the Trial Chamber’s failure to properly take into account the difficulties that Mr Bemba would have faced as a remote commander sending troops to a foreign country.

The description of Mr Bemba as a remote commander has been emphasised in numerous media reports, as well as in academic commentary. A concern raised in the latter is that the decision introduces a new distinction into the law of command responsibility – a distinction between remote and non-remote commanders, with the former being held to a lower standard than the latter. This post analyses how the Appeals Chamber dealt with the remoteness issue. First, it sets out the Majority Judgment’s findings on Mr Bemba’s status as a remote commander and suggests that it is not clear whether it intended to draw a legal distinction between commanders. Second, it argues that the drawing of such a distinction would be indefensible as a matter of principle – geographical position ought not be used to distinguish between commanders. Third, and happily, it shows that even if the Majority Judgment is unclear, President Oboe-Osuji’s Concurring Separate Opinion and the Joint Dissenting Opinion of Judges Hofmanski and Monageng indicate that there weren’t three votes for the introduction of any such distinction. In other words, the decision in Bemba does not stand for the proposition that we are now faced with an additional distinction in the law of command responsibility. Finally, it returns to Bemba itself, and the Majority Judgment’s reasoning on this point. That reasoning is not convincing. Read the rest of this entry…

 

Commanders’ Motivations in Bemba

Published on June 15, 2018        Author: 
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Introduction

No doubt there is much to be written about Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo’s acquittal by the Appeals Chamber – on its implications for the ICC, for politics in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and for the standard of review in future appeals. In this post, I will focus on a single issue addressed by the Appeals Chamber: the relevance of a commander’s motivation in taking measures to prevent or punish the crimes of his subordinates. This may seem a narrow issue – it was, initially, but one aspect of one element of the test for superior responsibility that formed part of one ground of appeal. However, this issue turned out to play a critical role in the majority’s decision to acquit the defendant.

Background

A majority of the Appeals Chamber – Judges Van den Wyngaert, Eboe-Osuji and Morrison – held that the second ground of appeal and part of the third ground of appeal were determinative of the appeal. The second ground averred that the conviction exceeded the charges. The third ground averred that Mr Bemba was not liable as a superior, with the relevant part upheld concerning whether he took all necessary and reasonable measures to prevent or repress the commission of his subordinates’ crimes. Within this part, the majority’s decision emphasised, in particular, two putative errors in the Trial Chamber’s finding that Mr Bemba failed to take all necessary and reasonable measures (para 191). The first concerned the Trial Chamber’s assessment of Mr Bemba’s motivation in taking the measures that he did take. This is the issue addressed in this post. Read the rest of this entry…

 
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Foreign Office Certificates and Diplomatic Immunity in the Assange Affair

Published on March 2, 2018        Author:  and
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The Assange saga continues with recent decisions in the English Courts upholding the warrant for Julian Assange’s arrest. Dapo’s recent post on Ecuador’s purported appointment of Julian Assange as one of its diplomats to the UK considered the position on this issue as a matter of international law. However, a related issue is how the relevant provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR) would be applied if the issue were to arise in domestic proceedings in England and Wales. In other words, if Assange were to leave the embassy, and were to be arrested and prosecuted for failing to surrender, would he be able to rely, in an English court, on diplomatic immunity under the VCDR? Thinking through this question involves a degree of speculation, for we don’t yet know what the Foreign and Commonwealth Office’s (FCO) posture towards any such claim would be. We will assume, however, that the FCO will maintain an approach consistent with its statement (reported here) of 11 January 2018: ‘The government of Ecuador recently requested diplomatic status for Mr Assange here in the UK. The UK did not grant that request, nor are we in talks with Ecuador on this matter.’ In other words, we will assume that the FCO would not recognise Assange as a diplomat.

How the matter would be resolved in domestic English proceedings is a difficult question. It involves consideration of the respective roles of courts and the executive in matters of foreign affairs, the distinction between questions of fact and questions of law in giving effect to FCO certificates, and the potential continued application of the common law principle that the courts and the executive should speak with one voice.

The Diplomatic Privileges Act

As a matter of domestic law, the starting point is the Diplomatic Privileges Act 1964 (DPA), which gives effect to the VCDR. In thinking through how the Assange matter would proceed in a domestic court, Section 4, which sets out the role of the FCO in matters of this kind, is crucial:

‘If in any proceedings any question arises whether or not any person is entitled to any privilege or immunity under this Act a certificate issued by or under the authority of the Secretary of State stating any fact relating to that question shall be conclusive evidence of that fact.’

Read the rest of this entry…

 

“Complicity in International Law”: Author’s Response

Published on April 14, 2017        Author: 
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This post is the final part of our book discussion on Miles Jackson’s “Complicity in International Law“.

Introduction

I am grateful to Oxford University Press and the editors of EJIL:Talk! for putting together this discussion and to Elies, Elizabeth, and Helmut for their contributions. I appreciate their engagement with my work. In this piece, I consider the central points in each of their pieces.

State Assistance in Practice

Elizabeth’s three examples – the provision of arms, the use of military bases, and the grant of financial and other assistance to the justice and human rights sectors – provide a helpful grounding for considering how often questions of complicity are arising in practice. Her contribution zeroes in on the difficulties relating to the nexus element and the fault element. Taking them in turn, there are slightly different difficulties here.

As to the nexus element, even if we agree on the normative standard there is the challenge of applying that standard across the myriad ways that states provide assistance to other states. We can quite easily imagine situations where the assistance is insufficiently connected to the principal wrong, just as we can easily imagine situations where the standard is met. Beyond those poles, things are very difficult. That might seem unsatisfactory, but here it is worth emphasising the relative newness of the rule – it is still embedding itself into customary practice. As it does so, we are likely to see the incremental development and clarification of a regime-specific test.

As to the fault element, by contrast, the initial problem lies on the normative level itself – the potential discrepancy between the textual standard of knowledge and the commentary’s reference to intent. Read the rest of this entry…

 
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“Complicity in International Law”: An Overview. Book Discussion

Published on April 12, 2017        Author: 
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This post is part of our book discussion on Miles Jackson’s “Complicity in International Law“.

Introduction

No one is ever accused of being complicit in something good. Across areas of law, complicity – the idea of participation in another’s wrong – has received increased attention in the last decade. To take one domestic jurisdiction, England and Wales, accessorial liability in private law and criminal law has been subject to detailed re-evaluation. In international criminal law, the acquittal of Momcilo Perisic by the ICTY Appeals Chamber brought deep recrimination and comment. And in the law of state responsibility, the complicity rule in Article 16 of the Articles on State Responsibility is increasingly invoked in the context of the arms trade, counter-terrorism, and development aid.

This increased attention forms the background to the book. My overarching aim is to understand and analyse how international law regulates individual and state complicity. This overarching aim is supplemented by, where appropriate, critique as to the scope of the relevant rules and a normative claim as to how complicity rules ought to be structured. To this end, the book is structured as follows. Part A builds an analytical framework for understanding complicity rules and defends the normative claim mentioned above. Part B addresses complicity in international criminal law, including complicit omissions and command responsibility. Part C does two things. First, it considers state participation in the wrongdoing of other states and tracks the move from what I call specific complicity rules to the general rule on aid or assistance in Article 16 of the Articles on State Responsibility. Second, it addresses state participation in the actions of non-state actors. In doing so, it appraises the claim that complicity has permeated the secondary rules on the attribution of conduct in international law and proposes a non-state analogue to the rule in Article 16. Part D concludes. Read the rest of this entry…

 
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The Fog of Law

Published on April 21, 2015        Author: 
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Eirik Bjorge and Marko Milanovic have written trenchant critiques of the Policy Exchange Report: Clearing the Fog of Law. They have pointed out the Report’s flaws with regard to the travaux of the Convention, the intention of the drafters, the evolution of the case-law on extraterritoriality, and the relationship between human rights law and the law of war. I wish to add three small points to the discussion.

First, it is worth dwelling on the Report’s subtitle: ‘Saving our Armed Forces from Defeat by Judicial Diktat.’ All of us who write, whether in the academy or policy-circles, face the challenge of thinking up interesting titles for our pieces, predominantly in the hope that they will be read. We are not always successful. But to retreat to hysterical overstatement is no solution, especially when it rests on flawed analysis and insufficiently motivated argument. Leaving aside the strained relationship between the parochial ‘our’ in the sub-title and the purposes of academic freedom, the Report produces little evidence of any real threat of grave defeat. We are simply told that the ‘spectre’ of the ‘imperial judiciary’ now ‘haunts’ commanders; that the departure from the European Court of Human Rights’ decision in Bankovic and its decision in Al-Jedda entail ‘human rights imperialism’ and ‘judicial imperialism’ respectively; and that the UK Supreme Court’s decision in Smith has already ‘compromised the warfighting capabilities of the British Armed Forces.’

Second, there is an obvious disjuncture in the Report between cases such as Smith involving British troops and cases such as Al-Skeini involving foreign citizens. In response to the second class of cases, the authors argue that their intention isn’t to make the law fall silent amid the clash of arms but to apply and strengthen the laws of war. In response to the first class – Smith and its ilk – this is not an option: there is no Geneva Convention V for the Amelioration of the Rights of State Parties’ Own Soldiers. Read the rest of this entry…