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Announcements: Teaching and Researching International Law in Asia; UN Audiovisual Library of International Law; CfP Contingency in the Course of International Law; Legal consequences of the Separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius

Published on November 19, 2017        Author: 

1. Teaching and Researching International Law in Asia. The Centre for International Law at the National University of Singapore will be hosting a conference from 21 – 22 June 2018 on “Teaching and Researching International Law in Asia” (TRILA). The broad purposes of the Conference are to assess the current state of teaching and research in international law in Asia, to identify commonly experienced challenges for teachers of international law in the region, and to formulate a programme of further action and activities to assist individuals in their teaching and research. The Conference will be preceded by a Junior Faculty Workshop on 20 June, which is directed at assisting junior faculty with their scholarship and efforts to publish. Further details about these events and information on how to participate are available here.

2. New Additions to the UN Audiovisual Library of International Law. The Codification Division of the United Nations Office of Legal Affairs has launched a Moot Courts section under the Research Library of the UN Audiovisual Library of International Law (AVL), which organizes lectures and legal instruments useful for preparing for the 2018 Charles Rousseau Moot Court competition in international law. All interested parties are welcome to visit the AVL’s Moot Court page.  Additionally, the following lectures have recently been added to the AVL: Mr. Ahmed Mahiou “Les priorités actuelles du droit international” and “Coopération et intégration régionale en Afrique”, Mr. Yves Nouvel “ Le standard minimum de traitement des étrangers en droit international”.

3. Call for Papers – Contingency in the Course of International Law: How International Law Could Have Been.  The conference, in Amsterdam from 14-16 June 2018, will ask a question that is deceptive in its simplicity: How might international law have been otherwise? We want to question the present state of international law by challenging its pretence to necessity and by better understanding the forces that have shaped it. Put simply with Robert Musil: “If there is a sense of reality, there must also be a sense of possibility.” Fleur Johns (UNSW) will give a public keynote and Samuel Moyn (Yale) will give a closing address. Please see here for more information. The deadline for the submission of abstracts is 1 December 2017

4. Legal consequences of the Separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius (ICJ Advisory Opinion). This event, on Monday 11 December 2017, discusses the upcoming proceedings concerning the latest request by the General Assembly for an ICJ Advisory Opinion in the case of ‘Legal consequences of the separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius’. The discussion will centre on the efforts before domestic UK courts as well as the public international law discussion concerning the Chagos Islanders and examine the merits of the case before the ICJ with international legal experts. The event is at the British Institute of International and Comparative Law, Charles Clore House, 17 Russell Square, London WC1B 5JP. Find out more and book online here.

Filed under: Announcements and Events
 

Remaking the World towards ‘Fair and Reciprocal Trade’? The Case for (More) Interdisciplinarity in International Economic Law

Published on November 17, 2017        Author: 

Geopolitical changes were on full display last week at multiple economic summits in Asia, where red carpet pageantry converged with the dramatic publicity of States brokering new deals at the regional meetings for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in Viet Nam, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Heads of State Summit and the 12th East Asia Summit (EAS) in the Philippines, the side meetings of the China-led 16-country bloc drafting the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the Japan-led Trans-Pacific Partnership-11 (recently renamed into the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership), with considerable focus on United States President Donald Trump’s 12 day tour in Asia for these meetings as well as for bilateral trade talks with Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines.  In Viet Nam, US President Trump suddenly renamed the Asia-Pacific into the “Indo-Pacific”, a deliberate policy strategy to define Asia beyond China’s growing hegemony into a sphere of alliances built with India, Japan, and other Southeast Asian countries.  

The Asia economic summits conveyed the implicit assumption that international trade and investment treaties had to be revised or rewritten towards “fair trade”, even if there were differing understandings of what that fairness meant.  US President Trump’s address at APEC demanded “fair and reciprocal trade” as part of his ‘America First’ policy, blaming trade agreements for serious US trade deficits with China and other countries. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau delayed agreeing to renew the TPP partnership under the aegis of the CPTPP, pushing for Canadian interests in ensuring strict environmental and labour standards in the agreement, and succeeding in suspending the problematic provisions in the intellectual property chapter which the US had originated in the TPP draft.  Newly-minted New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinta Ardern claimed victory with the suspension of investor-State dispute settlement clauses from the CPTPP, in favour of compulsory domestic court adjudication for any investment disputes.  In contrast, China took up the cudgels for globalisation and the established institutions and processes of the multilateral system, with Chinese President Xi Jinping firmly declaring at APEC that “economic globalisation is an irreversible historical trend…in pursuing economic globalisation, we should make it more open and inclusive, more balanced, more equitable and beneficial to all.”

The recent pronouncements by world leaders should be of considerable interest to international lawyers, given the heightened political and economic expectations placed on international economic agreements (trade and investment treaties), and what social outcomes they should (or should not) produce beyond the traditionally narrow objectives of liberalising foreign market access.  The international economic system is moving towards a multi-speed configuration of States oscillating between competing economic ideologies (e.g. resurgent new forms of “mercantilist protectionism”, revised ‘mainstream’ neoclassical economics, ‘new’ behavioural economics, among others); changing philosophies of government (e.g. the revival of authoritarianism and ‘illiberal’ democracies, leaning away from liberal democracies); evolving theories on the regulation of property, competition, and information given rapidly-developing technologies (e.g. artificial intelligence and the explosion of automation in supply chains, the domestic and transnational social impacts of the digital ‘sharing’ economy, climate change-driven restructuring to consumption patterns and production processes); and expanding understandings of domestic and transnational challenges to global public goods (e.g. environment, health, peace and security, among others).  Accordingly, there is an even greater burden for international lawyers (especially those that assist or advise States drawing up their respective visions for a new global economic architecture), to clarify and be transparent about how the political, economic, and social ends sought will be effectively met through the current and future mechanisms of international economic law and its institutions for governance and coordination.  Beyond the fog of press publicity, are we candidly and accurately communicating to the politicians the actual limits of international economic treaties, along with their potentials?  

In this post, I argue that international lawyers – especially international economic lawyers tasked with drafting, revising, critiquing, and building the new bilateral, regional, and global constellation of economic treaties – increasingly have to deepen interdisciplinarity, and not just in the sense persuasively observed by Tom Ginsburg and Gregory Shaffer as the “empirical turn in international legal scholarship” (106 American Journal of International Law (2012), pp. 1-46. Perhaps more fundamentally, international lawyers need even more interdisciplinarity, because we are at present hard-pressed to approximate, if not achieve, an idea of “fairness” in the international economic system’s treaties and institutions (no matter how contested that sense of “fairness” is, to begin with).  If we accept that the “fairness of international law” is legitimately our concern as international lawyers and scholars (as Thomas Franck famously argued), we should be more open to readily engaging the interdisciplinary assumptions marshalled in the reform and remaking of international economic treaties and institutions today.  

While we may not of course be the experts in these other disciplines, and we should, indeed, preserve the “relative autonomy” of international law (as Jan Klabbers cautions), some sharpening of our interdisciplinary sensibilities can nevertheless be useful in helping us to test the “good faith” nature of any postulation or assertion on the desired weight, form, content, and structure of our international economic treaties and institutions.  I use three examples of unstated assumptions in the debate over international economic treaties today that illustrate where interdisciplinarity is sorely lacking: 1) that international economic treaties can somehow erase trade deficits and permanently prevent trade imbalances; 2) that international economic treaties can anticipate and provide the most appropriate and suitable dispute resolution mechanism for the particular States parties to these treaties – for the entire life of these treaties – which is problematic with the growing depiction of a supposed ‘binary’ choice between investor-State dispute settlement mechanisms (ISDS) and local court adjudication (and/or political risk insurance); and 3) that international economic treaties can be designed to fully create desired social, environmental, labor, health, education, and all public interest outcomes.  I posit that while interdisciplinarity may show us that international economic treaties could be a correlative, if not possibly one of the causal, factors for desired outcomes, and that we can probably design them with sensitivity and vigilance towards controlling the negative externalities they cause and encouraging positive distributive consequences, the international economic treaty-writing (and rewriting) exercise is complex. We cannot – as politicians do – simplistically oversell or lionise these treaties as somehow the definitive “one size-fits all” solution to remake the world towards “fair and reciprocal trade”.

Read the rest of this entry…

 

The Immunity of al-Bashir: The Latest Turn in the Jurisprudence of the ICC

Published on November 15, 2017        Author: 

On 6 July 2017, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the ICC issued a new decision in the case of Omar al-Bashir. The Chamber ruled that South Africa failed to comply with its obligation to arrest the President of Sudan by welcoming him for a summit of the African Union two years earlier. This decision did not come as a surprise because the Court had repeatedly ruled before that al-Bashir does not enjoy immunity from arrest and that all states parties have an obligation to arrest him. What makes the decision curious, however, is that the Chamber again adopted a new position on the immunity of al-Bashir:

  • In 2011, the Chamber found that al-Bashir does not enjoy immunity because of an exception under customary international law for the prosecution of international crimes by an international court like the ICC. According to the Chad and Malawi decisions, no sitting Head of State could ever claim immunity before the ICC (for reactions see: here and here).
  • In 2014, the Chamber revised its position and concluded that the Security Council implicitly waived his immunity in Resolution 1593. Al-Bashir would not enjoy immunity because the Council issued a binding decision under Chapter VII of the UN Charter obliging Sudan ‘to cooperate fully with … the Court’ (for reactions to the DRC decision see: here and here).
  • In it most recent decision of 6 July 2017, the Chamber found that al-Bashir does not enjoy immunity because the Security Council’s referral placed Sudan in a similar position as a state party. Al-Bashir would not possess immunity from arrest because of Article 27(2) of the Statute which provides that immunities ‘… shall not bar the Court from exercising its jurisdiction’.

In this post I examine the Chamber’s most recent decision on the case of al-Bashir and make a number of critical observations. Read the rest of this entry…

 

A Danish Crusade for the Reform of the European Court of Human Rights

Published on November 14, 2017        Author: 

Tomorrow (15 November) Denmark will take over the rotating chairmanship of the Council of Europe (CoE). The CoE was established in 1949 and has since adopted numerous treaties, including the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Denmark is a CoE founding member and has traditionally been a strong supporter of human rights. Yet the Danish Government has announced that the chief priority of its chairmanship will be the reform of the European human rights system. This announcement may come as a surprise to the readership of this blog. This post therefore summarises the vicissitudes that have led to the Danish Government’s initiative, and provides some early reflections on its expected impact.

Why does Denmark want a reform?

Immigration has long been a dominant theme in Danish politics. In the late 1990s, the Danish People’s Party (DPP) began to denounce immigration, multiculturalism and Islam as alien to Danish society and values. Since 2001, the DPP has supported various minority coalition governments and gained extensive influence on Denmark’s immigration policy, which is now one of the most restrictive in Europe.

Critique of the ECHR is not new in Denmark, where much debate has focused on the influence of the Convention on the deportation of the foreign criminals. Read the rest of this entry…

 

New Issue of EJIL (Vol. 28 (2017) No. 3) Published

Published on November 13, 2017        Author: 

The latest issue of the European Journal of International Law (Vol. 28, No. 3) is out today. As usual, the table of contents of the new issue is available at EJIL’s own website, where readers can access those articles that are freely available without subscription. The free access article in this issue is Merris Amos, The Value of the European Court of Human Rights to the United Kingdom. EJIL subscribers have full access to the latest issue of the journal at EJIL’s Oxford University Press site. Apart from articles published in the last 12 months, EJIL articles are freely available on the EJIL website.

 

Announcements: Financing and the Right to Science in Technology Sharing for the SDGs Workshop; EFTA Court President Lecture

Published on November 12, 2017        Author: 

1. Workshop on Financing and the Right to Science in Technology Sharing for the SDGs. The Department of International Law, University of Groningen organises the Workshop on ‘Financing and the Right to Science in Technology Sharing for the SDGs’ which will take place on 24 November 2017 at the University of Groningen. The Workshop is co-sponsored by ESIL Interest Group on International Environmental Law and Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (gLAWcal). The detailed programme is available here

2. EFTA Court President Lecture – City, University of London 23 November 2017. The City Law School is delighted to invite you to a lecture organized by the Jean Monnet Chair in European Law on Thursday 23 November at 18.00 (registration starting at 17.30). Carl Baudenbacher, President of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) Court, will speak on the topic of “Brexit: Within the Single Market, Without the European Court of Justice?”. The event will be chaired by Panos Koutrakos (Professor of EU Law and Jean Monnet Chair in EU Law, City, University of London). The event will take place at City, University of London, Oliver Thompson Lecture Theatre (Tait Building, Northampton Square, London EC1V 0HB), and will be followed by a wine reception. Attendance is free. You may sign up here

Filed under: Announcements and Events
 

ICJ Elections 2017: UN General Assembly and Security Council Elect Four Judges to the ICJ But fail to Agree on a Fifth, yet again! + Trivia Question

Published on November 11, 2017        Author: 

On Thursday (Nov. 9), the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council elected four judges to the International Court of Justice (see UN Press Releases here and here). Judges Ronny Abraham (France), the incumbent President; Abdulqawi Yusuf (Somalia), the incumbent Vice-President; and Antônio Augusto Cançado Trindade (Brazil) were all re-elected. Nawaf Salam who is currently the Permanent Representative of Lebanon to the United Nations was also elected to the Court for the first time. They were elected in accordance with Articles 4 and 8 of the Statute of the ICJ which stipulate that judges are to be elected by the General Assembly and the Security Council meeting separately but concurrently. For a candidate to be elected each judge has to obtain an absolute majority in each of those organs, meaning that they need 8 votes in favour in the Security Council and, in 2017, 97 votes in the General Assembly. There are regular elections to the ICJ every three years, with five vacancies each time around. In the election held on Thursday, the General Assembly (GA) and the Security Council (SC) have, thus far, been unable to agree on the fifth judge to be elected to the Court, and voting has been suspended until Monday November 13. This scenario of the GA and SC being unable to agree in a single “meeting” (a term which has a special meaning for this purpose) on the list of Judges that are elected to the Court is relatively rare in the history of elections to the ICJ. However, that scenario has now occurred for a third successive time (after the events in 2011 and 2014 which I describe in the previous posts here and here).

This 2017 election has been particularly remarkable for a number of reasons. There were only six candidates for the five positions. However, and this is rare, all five judges whose terms were expiring had been nominated for re-election. What is perhaps most remarkable about this election, at least thus far, is that Judge Christopher Greenwood, the judge of British nationality, was not re-elected in the first “meeting”. The two remaining candidates for re-election, who must now fight it out on Monday are Judge Greenwood and Judge Bhandari (India), both sitting judges on the Court. Were Judge Greenwood not to be re-elected on Monday this would be a very significant break from the past with regard to the composition of the ICJ. Read the rest of this entry…

 

War crimes in Afghanistan and Beyond: Will the ICC Weigh in on the “Global Battlefield” Debate?

Published on November 9, 2017        Author: 

The ICC Prosecutor recently announced her decision to request an authorization to open a formal investigation into possible international crimes committed in connection with the conflict in Afghanistan. The outcome of her preliminary examination was long-awaited and expected to be significant because an investigation into the Afghanistan situation would cover all parties involved – that is, not only local actors but also the international coalition, including the US (US nationals would come under the jurisdiction of the Court if they committed crimes in Afghanistan or in any other State party to the Rome Statute).

The Prosecutor’s choice to subject some aspects of the Afghan conflict to judicial scrutiny despite the pressures deserves to be praised as an “act of bravery.” If the Pre-Trial Chamber authorizes this investigation, the road to justice will be long – many have already commented on possible issues of jurisdiction (e.g. here and here), admissibility (e.g. here and here), evidence-gathering and cooperation (e.g. here), etc. In this post, I want to focus on a potential effect of this announcement: the situation in Afghanistan may give the ICC an opportunity to weigh in on the debate over the global applicability of IHL. Fatou Bensouda intends to prosecute acts of torture committed in CIA detention facilities located in Europe, in connection with the armed conflict in Afghanistan, as war crimes. If she does, ICC judges will have to rule on whether IHL applied to those acts and hence more generally on whether IHL applies beyond the territory of a State where a non-international armed conflict (NIAC) is primarily taking place. The geographical scope of IHL remains one of the most vexing debates in international law (as was clear from a heated discussion on this blog and others, just a month ago) but the Afghanistan investigation may help highlight an overlooked aspect of it. Here is why. Read the rest of this entry…

 

Those Who Live in Glass Houses….

Published on November 8, 2017        Author: 

The European Commission launched an infringement procedure against Poland over measures affecting the judiciary a day after the publication in the Polish Official Journal of the Law on the Ordinary Courts Organization on 28 July 2017. Though the infringement procedure is formally distinct from the ongoing ‘Rule of Law Dialogue’ and the recommendations issued just a few days before commencement of such procedure, it comes under the latter’s penumbra; both form part and parcel of the Commission Press Release (IP-17-2205). If the concern was ‘The Rule of Law,’ at least in some respects there is more bang than buck. The President of Poland blocked the most controversial parts of the new judicial regime in Poland, so that the infringement procedure was left with just two violations.    

The first concerns a different retirement age for male and female judges. It is not clear if this distinction in the Polish law is by design or inertia but the infringement seems clear: what is sauce for Sabena (RIP) cabin attendant geese should be sauce for judicial ganders. But important as any form of gender discrimination is, this item in the Polish legislation does not directly concern the more troublesome aspects of political control over the judiciary and its independence. Should Poland not correct this anomaly, it should be an easy case for the Court.

The second item in the infringement procedure is far more serious. In the Letter of Formal Notice (the first stage in infringement procedures) the Commission raises concerns ‘…that by giving the Minister of Justice the discretionary power to prolong the mandate of judges who have reached retirement age, as well as dismiss and appoint Court Presidents, the independence of the Polish Courts will be undermined’ (id.), allegedly contravening a combination of Article 19(1) of the TEU and Article 47 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights – a legal basis which is creative but not specious.

If indeed the prolongation of the mandate of a judge reaching retirement age rests in the hands of a Minister, the government of which he or she is part and acts and/or legislation issuing from which might be subject to judicial scrutiny by said judge, it may well consciously or otherwise impact, for example, his or her conduct prior to retirement or, no less importantly, give the appearance of lack of independence. I think this is indeed a serious matter impinging on the independence and appearance of independence of the judiciary. It is one thing to have scrutiny and approval of judges by democratic bodies at the moment of appointment. But once appointed, the independence of the judge from political actors must be as absolute as possible, and this dependency described in the letter of intent clearly compromises such.

But there is an irony in this complaint; some might even think a ticking time bomb. At least on two occasions proposals were put to various Intergovernmental Conferences to amend the Treaties so that the appointment of Judges to the Court of Justice of the European Union should be for a fixed period of time – say nine years – as is undoubtedly the Best Practice in Europe among higher courts where appointments are not until the age of retirement. Ominously in my view, the proposals were rejected. So that now we live under a regime where the prolongation of Members of the Court(s) (Judges and Advocates General) rests in the hands of national politicians whose decisions and legislation may come before such judges. Read the rest of this entry…

 

EJIL: In this Issue (Vol. 28 (2017) No. 3)

Published on November 7, 2017        Author: 

This issue opens with three articles addressing trade and investment in international law from different perspectives. In a valuable and timely contribution to the literature on the interpretation of investment treaties, Andrew Mitchell and James Munro consider whether the use of a third-party agreement in interpretation constitutes an erroneous application of the customary rules of treaty interpretation in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Gracia Marín Durán then explores the respective responsibility of the European Union and its member states for the performance of World Trade Organization obligations, proposing a ‘competence/remedy’ model to help untangle this delicate question. And Sergio Puig and Anton Strezhnev investigate the legitimacy of international investment law, based on an experimental survey of 266 international arbitrators, concluding that there is strong evidence that arbitrators may be prone to the ‘David Effect’ – a relative bias to favour the perceived underdog or ‘weaker’ party when that party wins, through reimbursement of their legal costs.

The next set of articles in this issue focuses on human rights, with particular attention to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Merris Amos examines the continued value of the ECtHR to the United Kingdom, illustrating what might happen if the UK were to withdraw from the Court. Susana Sanz-Caballero investigates the scope of applicability of the nulla poena sine lege principle before the ECtHR, looking especially at the decisions in Kafkaris and del Río Prada to highlight the Court’s increasingly flexible approach to the concepts of penalty, foreseeability and enforcement of penalty. Oddný Arnardóttir argues that the Court has effectively used the margin of appreciation to engender an erga omnes effect for its judgments through the principle of res interpretata. Vera Shikhelman offers a fresh, empirical look at the work of the United Nations Human Rights Committee, exploring whether geographical, political and cultural considerations correlate with the voting of committee members. Lastly, Thomas Kleinlein addresses an important development in the ECtHR jurisprudence, positing that the Court’s legitimation strategy – comprising European consensus and the new procedural approach to the margin of appreciation – enhances the potential for democratic contestation and deliberation.

Roaming Charges in this issue takes us to the Negev Desert in southern Israel, where the photographer, Emma Nyhan, poignantly captures the ‘outsideness’ of a cultural minority, the Bedouins.

This issue features a lively EJIL: Debate!, centring on an article by Jonathan Bonnitcha and Robert McCorquodale, which addresses the concept of ‘due diligence’ in the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. The authors criticize the uncertainty caused by two different concepts of due diligence invoked by the principles and suggest an interpretation of the Guiding Principles that clarifies the relationship between these concepts. John Ruggie (the author of the Guiding Principles) and John F Sherman, III, respond to the article, questioning the interpretive approach adopted by Bonnitcha and McCorquodale. The authors then offer a rejoinder. Read the rest of this entry…