The Present and Future Role of Investment Treaty Arbitration in Adjudicating Environmental Disputes (Oslo, 5-6 November 2015) – Call for Papers, Deadline: 15 July 2015. PluriCourts, Centre of Excellence at the University of Oslo, is organizing an international symposium entitled ‘The Present and Future Role of Investment Treaty Arbitration in Adjudicating Environmental Disputes’. The symposium will be hosted at the faculty of law of the University of Oslo on November 5 and 6, 2015. Symposium Theme: The symposium will focus on investment treaty arbitration from a forward-looking perspective on how future practice might be shaped or reformed in a way that can both promote environmental sustainability and protect responsible and legitimate foreign investments. Call for Papers: We invite scholars, practitioners and doctoral students to submit paper proposals for presentations on topics related to the symposium’s theme. The deadline for submission is July 15, 2015. For more information, please visit the website of the symposium.
Last September, Erik Fribergh, the Registrar of the European Court of Human Rights, told Government representatives on the Steering Committee for Human Rights (CDDH) that ‘the Court is … not equipped to deal with large scale abuses of human rights. It cannot settle war-like conflicts between States.’ Yet, as Fribergh noted, the Court is increasingly being called on to adjudicate on such situations. Through the two Grand Chamber judgments delivered on 16 June (Sargsyan v Azerbaijan and Chiragov v Armenia) has the European Court entered into the terrain of international conflict resolution?
Both judgments upheld the European Convention rights of families displaced by the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the early 1990s, a conflict that created hundreds of thousands of refugees and internally-displaced persons (IDPs) on both sides, and which has remained unresolved in the ensuing decades. Peace negotiations have been held under the auspices of the OSCE ‘Minsk Group’ (co-chaired by France, Russia and the United States), but as the judgments make clear, settlement negotiations have repeatedly failed, due to the uncompromising attitudes of both Governments. The cases are legally important, given the Court’s position on the jurisdictional reach of the Convention, which Marko Milanovic has previously discussed here. They are politically significant too – in emphasising the importance of the two states establishing a property claims mechanism, and giving the parties to the cases 12 months to come back with proposals on redress, the Court has arguably given significant fresh impetus to the resolution of the ‘frozen conflict’.
Duke University-Geneva Conference on Comparative Foreign Relations Law: Courts, Treaties, Custom and the Use of Force. July 10-11, 2015, Université de Genève. In July 2015, as part of its summer Institute in Transnational Law, Duke Law School will be hosting a conference on the topic of “comparative foreign relations law.” The conference, which will be held at the University of Geneva, will consider similarities and differences in how nations (and the European Union as an entity) handle various issues of foreign relations law, including the incorporation of international law, the process for concluding international agreements, the accommodation of federalism and other structural values, and the decision to use military force. Scholars from various countries will present short papers outlining how these issues are addressed in their countries or in the EU, and scholars from the United States will draw comparisons to U.S. practice. A number of the U.S. participants are Reporters for the American Law Institute’s current Restatement (Fourth) project on Foreign Relations Law, and this conference will provide a useful opportunity for them to gain comparative perspectives on the issues they are considering. For more details and registration, see here.
The Kampala Amendments to the Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) adopted in June 2010 define the crime of aggression for the purposes of the ICC Statute and set out the conditions under which the ICC will exercise jurisdiction with respect to that crime. It was decided in Kampala that the aggression amendments will only become operational, in the sense that the ICC can only exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression: (i) one year after the aggression amendments have come into force for at least 30 States and (ii) if the ICC Assembly of State Parties adopts a further decision to activate that jurisdiction, with 1 January 2017 being the earliest date for the adoption of that decision [Arts. 15 bis (2) & (3) & 15ter (2) & (3), ICC Statute]. Given that 23 states have now ratified or accepted the aggression amendments and that 1 January 2017 is under 18 months away, the activation of the ICC’s jurisdiction over the crime of aggression is not very far away at all [see this report on action by other states considering ratification]. As that moment – when the ICC is able to exercise jurisdiction over aggression approaches – attention will turn (back) to a couple of issues that remain unresolved with respect to the interpretation of the Kampala amendments. One of those issues is whether the Court will be entitled to exercise jurisdiction over the nationals of a party to the Rome Statute which has not accepted the aggression amendments but which is alleged to have committed aggression on the territory of a state party that has ratified or accepted those amendments (see previous discussion here & here). The second issue is the interpretation to be given to the definition of the crime of aggression under the Kampala amendments.
Article 8 bis(1), of the ICC Statute provides that: “For the purpose of this Statute, “crime of aggression” means the planning, preparation, initiation or execution, by a person in a position effectively to exercise control over or to direct the political or military action of a State, of an act of aggression which, by its character, gravity and scale, constitutes a manifest violation of the Charter of the United Nations.”
The relationship between the concept of the “crime of aggression” and of “act of aggression” under the ICC Statute and under general international law respectively remains unclear. Under the Kampala amendment only an “act of aggression” which by “character, gravity and scale, constitutes a manifest violation of the Charter of the United Nations” can amount to the “crime of aggression” attracting individual criminal responsibility. Despite attempts in interpretive Understandings adopted in Kampala to give guidance with respect to the definition of the crime, the ICC will have its work cut out in establishing what amounts to a manifest violation of the UN Charter such that it should be regarded as the crime of aggression.
As the concept of aggression is one which relates not merely to individual criminal responsibility but builds on state responsibility for unlawful uses of force, it is instructive to examine how the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has dealt with the concept of aggression. Read the rest of this entry…
Speaking of occupied territories, an interesting judgment should soon come from the General Court of the European Union (GC) in Action for Annulment Frente Polisario v Council (Case T-512/12), a case with fascinating international law aspects. I attended the hearing last week and think it warrants a report.
Frente Polisario is a national liberation movement (NLM) that claims sovereignty for Western Sahara – the area between Morocco and Mauritania that has been on the UN list of non-self-governing territories since 1963, and in 1975 was the subject of a fairly inconclusive ICJ Opinion. The Frente sees Morocco as an occupying power, and challenges the EU Council decision approving the 2010 EU-Morocco Agreement on agricultural, processed agricultural and fisheries products. Given that the 2010 Agreement is a development of the 2000 EU-Morocco Association Agreement, the decision will have significant implications for the application of the latter agreement, and may thwart negotiations of the so-called “Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement”.
These agreements are all silent on the question of what constitutes Moroccan territory. However, Frente Polisario claims, de facto Morocco has been applying the 2000 Association Agreement to Western Sahara. If applied the same way, the 2010 Agreement will facilitate the export to the EU of agricultural products grown in Sahrawi land and fish caught in Sahrawi waters. If Morocco’s control of Western Sahara is illegitimate, this would violate the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination and to permanent sovereignty over their natural resources.
The case raises a number of interesting questions:
Standing of NLMs