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Is the International Law Commission Elevating Subsequent Agreements and Subsequent Practice?

Published on August 30, 2018        Author: 

At its most recent (70th) session, the International Law Commission adopted two important sets of “restatements” on two important sources of international law on second reading, namely the Draft Conclusions on the Identification of Customary International Law and the Draft Conclusions on Subsequent Agreements and Subsequent Practice in Relation to the Interpretation of Treaties (see the ILC’s 2018 Report (UN Doc A/73/10) here). This post concerns the second of these restatements, subsequent agreements and subsequent practice (see Chapter IV of the Report).  In particular, this post expresses a concern about an apparent, almost surreptitious, attempt by the Commission to elevate subsequent agreements and subsequent practice as tools of interpretation to the same level as the more objective tools outlined in article 31(1) of the Vienna Convention of the Law of Treaties. The concern may seem like a storm in a cup – and I hope that is the case.  However,  there is a real possibility – a possibility which could risk the stability of treaties – that the ordinary meaning of the words of a treaty, in their context and in light of the object and purpose of the treaty could give way to ever-changing moods of States expressed through subsequent agreements and subsequent practice. If states don’t like the terms of the treaties they have adopted, they should amend it through the means provided for in the treaty or in the customary rules on amendments of treaties. Amendment through interpretation, a real likelihood if subsequent agreements and subsequent practice were elevated to an independent status of equal value – perhaps some day even greater – to ordinary meaning, in context and in light of the object and purpose, would be a dangerous course.  It is hoped that this implicit suggestion in the work of the Commission is not taken up the practice of courts in the application of article 31.

I should begin by two caveats.  First, this post, like the draft conclusions themselves, concerns only subsequent agreements and subsequent practice in relation to treaty interpretation.  Thus, what is said here does not affect the role that subsequent agreements or subsequent practice might have, say for modification of treaties in general. Second, there is, admittedly, nothing in the draft conclusions themselves that can be interpreted as the elevation of subsequent agreements and subsequent practice.  The (attempted) elevation comes in the commentaries to a number of provisions in the set of draft conclusions.  I should note, in connection with the last-mentioned caveat, that the commentaries themselves seem to have been elevated to a higher position than before – not quite on par with the draft conclusions but certainly approaching that level.  While in the past, it has been understood that the draft texts adopted by the Commission were to be read with commentaries, during the 70thsession, the Commission inserted language as the first paragraph in the general commentary of both second reading topics to emphasise this point, which had not been emphasised in this manner before. Read the rest of this entry…

 

The ICC’s immunity debate – the need for finality

Published on August 11, 2017        Author:  and

In a judgment given last month, on 6 July, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) confronted the vexed legal question of immunities for heads of state who are alleged to have committed international crimes. It did so in a case involving South Africa’s failure to arrest President Bashir of Sudan when he attended the AU heads of summit meeting in Johannesburg in June 2015.

While Judge Marc Perrin de Brichambaut wrote a separate opinion, the three-panel Pre-trial Chamber (PTC) reached the unanimous conclusion that South Africa had failed to comply with the request that had been issued by the ICC to arrest Bashir for serious crimes allegedly committed in the Darfur region of Sudan. The PTC found that states parties to the Rome Statute, such as South Africa, are required to arrest and surrender Bashir to the ICC where he is found in their territory.

We are not here debating the merits or otherwise of the PTC decision. It is enough to stress that the judgment comes at a fraught political time for the ICC, and its relationship with African states and the AU. The impetus for this joint piece arises from the legitimate and expressed concerns of African states parties (like South Africa) regarding their obligations to cooperate with the ICC in surrendering heads of states of non-state parties (like Sudan) to the Court in the light of, inter alia, the rules of customary international law on immunities.

The technical legal issues relate to the relationship between Articles 27 and 98 of the Rome Statute, which has been raised by a number of African states, particularly South Africa in relation to the Bashir case, as well as the African Union (AU). The subject has been a central concern of the AU as well as ICC member-states seeking measures to reform and improve the ICC. The concern, in a nutshell, is how to balance the obligations owed to the ICC to arrest heads of state, with the customary international law immunities that are ordinarily accorded to such officials. African states have felt the brunt of what have been described as “competing obligations” – being pulled in one direction to assist the ICC, and in the other direction by customary international law duty to respect official immunities. In recent times, Jordan, regarded by many as a friend of the ICC and the first Arab state to ratify the Rome Statute, has also had to confront the tension between the Rome Statute duty to arrest Al Bashir and the duty under customary international law to respect his immunities.

In the lead-up to the PTC’s finding on 6 July, South Africa had been invited by the ICC to make submissions to the PTC explaining its reasons for failing to arrest Bashir. The Prosecutor of the ICC filed submissions in response. And the PTC also admitted the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (the NGO that had brought cases in South Africa’s courts successfully challenging the government’s failure to arrest Bashir) to make submissions [all available here].

We were on opposing sides as lawyers in that dispute (with Tladi acting for the government, and du Plessis acting as counsel for SALC). We nevertheless now write jointly (and in our personal capacities) because of a shared belief that there remains a need for the dispute to be resolved finally through judicial means.  Read the rest of this entry…

 
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