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Chatham House Paper on Aiding and Assisting by States

Published on November 28, 2016        Author: 

When states engage in armed conflict today, it is often the case that they do so with some support from other states. The same is true with respect to counter-terrorism efforts. That support may come in many forms: from being part of a coalition that engages in actual fighting; to logistical support that enables the fighting to take place; to supply of weapons; to intelligence sharing; or capacity building in one shape or another. One only has to look at the network of state assistance to other states on all sides of the conflict in Syria, and also in Yemen. A couple of weeks ago Chatham House published a paper –  “Aiding and Assisting: Challenges in Armed Conflict and Counterterrorism” – that I would like to commend to readers. The paper, authored by Harriet Moynihan who is Associate Fellow in the International Law Programme at Chatham House, seeks to set out:

“a clear statement of the law on aiding and assisting as it stands, with particular regard to its application in situations of armed conflict and counterterrorism. The paper also aims to provide guidance to governments on best practice in their cooperation in armed conflict and counterrorism, taking into account the legal and policy issues raised by the various rules in this area.” (para. 6)

A central question addressed in the paper is: when will a state that provides assistance that is used by another state to carry out actions that are wrongful in international law, responsible for assisting that wrongful act? The paper addresses this issue by first considering (in Chapter 2) the general rule that is established with regarding to aiding and assisting in Article 16 of the International Law Commission’s Articles on the Responsibility of States 2001. Chapter 3 then pays some attention to more specific rules of international law that deal with aiding and abetting, eg Common Article 1 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, some treaties dealing with weapons transfers and some applicable rules of international humanitarian law.

Much of the analysis in Chapter 2 deals with the tricky question of the mental element that must be fulfilled in order to establish a breach of Article 16 of the ILC Articles on State Responsibility. Read the rest of this entry…

 

Outcome of 2016 Elections to the International Law Commission + Trivia Questions

Published on November 5, 2016        Author: 

On Thursday the United Nations General Assembly (GA) elected the individuals who will serve in the International Law Commission (ILC) for the five year term beginning in 2017. The Commission, which is a subsidiary organ of the GA, has a mandate to assist in the codification and progressive development of international law. It is composed of 34 members who serve in their individual capacities.  The outcome of the elections held on Thursday can be viewed here. A number of excellent academic international lawyers were elected to the Commission for the first time, most notably August Reinisch (Austria), Charles Jalloh (Sierra Leone) and Claudio Grossman (Chile) who all have impressive academic credentials as well significant practical experience of international law.  The Commission will benefit from their addition. However, as is often the case with UN elections, there are some surprises in the result, with some excellent academic international lawyers also failing to be elected to the Commission, particularly Mathias Forteau (France), Chester Brown (Australia) , Tiya Maluwa (Malawi), and Marcelo Kohen (Argentina) – all of whom also have impressive academic credentials and significant practical experience of international law.

There is a very marginal improvement in the position of women on the ILC. There will be three four women on the ILC, with Patrica Galvão Teles (Portugal), Marja Lehto (Finland), and Nilüfer Oral (Turkey)  joining Concepción Escobar Hernández (Spain) who was re-elected. It is very worrying that in the history of the Commission, only 6 7 women have been members and this is the first time that 3 more than 2 women will be serving together. Still, even on the new Commission,  fewer only slightly more than 10% of its members will be women. (Update: corrections in italics because of the comments below)

One other remarkable feature of the elections just concluded was that two of those nominated for the ILC in this round were previously judges on international tribunals. Read the rest of this entry…

 

Editorial Changes at EJIL:Talk!

Published on November 1, 2016        Author: 
Monica Hakimi

Monica Hakimi

It is a pleasure to announce additions to the team of editors at EJIL:Talk! We are delighted to announce three new Contributing Editors to the blog. They are:

Monica Hakimi who is Professor of Law at the University of Michigan School of Law where she was until recently, Associate Dean for Academic Programming. She previously served as an attorney-adviser in the Office of the Legal Adviser at the U.S. Department of State where, in addition to other tasks, she served as counsel before the Iran-U.S. Claims Tribunal and worked on cases before the International Court of Justice and U.S. federal courts and agencies.

Lorna McGregor

Lorna McGregor

Lorna McGregor, who is Professor at the University of Essex Law School where she is also Director of the Human Rights Centre at Essex University. Lorna is Co-Chair of the European Society of International Law’s Interest Group on Human Rights and a Commissioner of the UK Equality and Human Rights Commission. She is currently leading a number of funded research projects including acting as Co-Director of an ESRC Large Grant on Technology, Big Data and Human Rights; Principal Investigator of a Nuffield-funded project on the role of National Human Rights Institutions in Complaints-Handling; and a Co-Investigator on a British Academy Newton Fund grant on The Effects of International Human Rights Law on Public International Law and its Sub-Branches.

Andreas Zimmermann

Andreas Zimmermann

Andreas Zimmermann is Professor of International and European Law at the University of Potsdam, Germany, and Director of the Potsdam Centre of Human Rights. He has advised the German government in various capacities including being a member of the Advisory Board of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs on United Nations issues as well as of the Advisory Board on International Law. He has been counsel in several cases before the International Court of Justice and inter-State arbitration. Has also been judge ad hoc at the European Court of Human Rights.

They have written in the European Journal of International Law and are previous contributors to the  blog. We look forward to their contributions over the coming months and years. Remaining on the team of contributing editors are Anne Peters and Christian Tams.

Rotating off the team of contributing editors are Matthew Happold and Antonios Tzanakopoulos. We owe a debt of gratitude to Matthew and Antonios for their contributions to the blog over the past few years. We hope they will continue to write for the blog as guest contributors.

We are also very grateful indeed to Iain Scobbie whose tenure as a co-editor of the blog ended earlier this year. Also leaving us earlier this year was Geraldo Vidigal who gave really valuable service as Associate Editor before moving on to take up a position in the Legal Service of the World Trade Organization.

Geraldo was replaced as Associate Editor by Dr Helen McDermott who is a research fellow at the Individualisation of War project at the European University Institute, an Associate of the Oxford Martin Programme on Human Rights for Future Generations and a Visiting Fellow at the Blavatnik School of Government at the University of Oxford.

We welcome the new members of the team!

Filed under: EJIL
 

Launch of Oxford Guidance on the Law Relating to Humanitarian Relief Operations in Situations of Armed Conflict

Published on October 31, 2016        Author: 

In many, if not most, armed conflicts, far more deaths occur as a result of the humanitarian crisis created by the conflict rather than from hostilities or the use of force (see this useful study, at p. 842). In addition to those who die as a result of a lack of food, water, access to medical care or adequate sanitation, untold suffering is caused in conflicts across the globe to millions of other civilians. However, in many recent conflicts humanitarian actors have faced serious challenges in delivering much-needed relief supplies and services to civilians in need. The United Nations Secretary-General, in his recent reports to the Security Council on the Protection of Civilians, has identified improving access for humanitarian operation as one of the five “core challenges” to enhancing the protection of civilians in armed conflict (see eg S/2012/376 (paras. 57-63); S/2015/453 (para. 7). In a November 2013 report to the Security Council [S/2013/689, para. 80], the Secretary General called for further analysis of the issue of arbitrary withholding of consent to humanitarian operations and the consequences thereof. He instructed the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) to engage with a range of actors to examine the relevant rules and options for guidance in this area. OCHA commissioned the Oxford Institute for Ethics, Law and Armed Conflict and the Oxford Martin Programme on Human Rights for Future Generations (both of which I co-direct) to carry out this exercise. We engaged in a series of expert consultations which took place in Oxford, in addition to informal discussions in Geneva and New York with officials from a number of international agencies and NGOs, with the aim of providing a restatement of the international law rules.

This process has resulted in the production of the Oxford Guidance on the Law Relating to Humanitarian Relief Operation in Situations of Armed Conflict (which is available here). It was a pleasure to launch the Oxford Guidance at UN Headquarters in New York last week, and also in Washington DC. In his May 2016 report [S/2016/447, para. 34] report to the Security Council on the Protection of Civilians, the Secretary General stated that:

“The forthcoming Oxford guidance on the law relating to humanitarian relief operations in situations of armed conflict, which the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs commissioned on my request, should enhance understanding of such a legal framework and inform policies to improve humanitarian access.”

This point was reiterated in the Foreword to the Guidance by the UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs who stated that:

“The present Guidance will assist a variety of actors concerned with humanitarian relief operations, including parties to armed conflict, other states, international and non-governmental organizations seeking to provide humanitarian assistance, the United Nations Security Council and General Assembly and other relevant bodies, legal practitioners, scholars and the media.”

Read the rest of this entry…

 

South African Withdrawal from the International Criminal Court – Does the ICC Statute Lead to Violations of Other International Obligations?

Published on October 22, 2016        Author: 

The relations between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and African States have come to a head once again this week with situation now at its lowest point. The government of South Africa has announced (see here) that it is withdrawing from the Statute of the ICC and that it has submitted its instrument of withdrawal to the UN Secretary General in accordance with Article 127(1) of the ICC Statute. Under that provision, the withdrawal shall take effect one year after the date of receipt of the notification of withdrawal (unless the state specifies a later date in the notification). South Africa, which had previously been a strong supporter of the Court, thus becomes the first state to withdraw from the ICC. To add to the sense of crisis, the South African withdrawal follows on from the decision over the past couple of weeks of the President and Parliament of Burundi to also withdraw from the ICC Statute. Although the Burundi Parliament has voted to do this and the President has signed a decree to this effect(see here and here), Burundi does not appear to have, as yet, notified the UN Secretary-General of its intention to withdraw to the ICC. There are fears that other African states will follow suit. [Lost in all of this was the news that, by contrast, another African country, Gabon, referred the situation in that country to the ICC less than4 weeks ago (see here for statement of ICC Prosecutor).]

South Africa’s Reasons for Withdrawal

The South African notification of withdrawal has not yet been released publicly but we have a detailed statement from the Minister of Justice regarding the reasons behind the withdrawal. One of the major grounds on which the South African government justifies its withdrawal is that:

“the Rome Statute [and the domestic Act implementing it] compel South Africa to arrest persons who may enjoy diplomatic immunity under customary international law but who are wanted by the court.”

The government claim is thus that complying with the ICC Statute will cause South Africa to breach its obligations to other states. The Minister suggests that resolving this conflict of obligations is important, because it undermines the ability of South Africa to work towards peaceful resolution of disputes and to promote the important objective of bringing conflicts to an end. The Minister went on to say that: “South Africa has had to do so [arrest people wanted by the ICC], even under circumstances where we are actively involved in promoting peace, stability and dialogue in those countries”. He stated further that:

“We wish to give effect to the rule of customary international law, which recognises the diplomatic immunity of heads of state and others in order to effectively promote dialogue and the peaceful resolution of conflicts wherever they may occur, particularly on the African continent”.

Does the ICC Statute Require States to Violate the Customary International Law of Immunity?

I do not intend to address the broader peace vs justice debate in this post (Is South Africa right to seek to pursue peace over immediate claims to justice in particular situations?) Reasonable minds can disagree on this. However, I wish to question the claim by South Africa that the Rome Statute requires it to violate customary international law of immunity. Read the rest of this entry…

 
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When Does the Use of Force Against a Non-State Armed Group trigger an International Armed Conflict and Why does this Matter?

Published on October 18, 2016        Author: 

Over at Just Security (see for example herehere and here) and also at Opinio Juris (see here and here) there has been a very interesting discussion on whether aspects of the conflict in Syria should be regarded as international armed conflicts (IACs) rather than simply non-international armed conflicts (NIACs). These discussions have followed on from the release of the ICRC’s revised Commentary to the First Geneva Convention (GCI) of 1949 in which the ICRC, in its commentary to Common Article 2 dealing with international armed conflicts (one between the High Contracting Parties to the GCs), states that where a state uses force against a non-state group on the territory of another state without the consent of the territorial state it would amount to an international armed conflict between the intervening state and the territorial state. So as Adil Haque pointed out on EJIL:Talk! in April, the ICRC position would mean that the US (and other states using force in Syria without the consent of the Syrian government) is involved in an IAC in Syria. Adil has explained his support for the ICRC position in posts on this issue on Just Security (see here and  here). Others like Terry Gill, Sean Watts and Kenneth Watkin have disagreed (see here, here, here, and here).

I am on record as being a supporter of the position that the ICRC has now come to. I wrote a piece (available here on SSRN) many years ago, which was part of a major study on Classification of Conflicts in which I say precisely what the ICRC has now said (and I’m delighted that the ICRC’s revised commentary cites that work). I am not going to repeat my arguments in this post and they can be found here. In summary, my view is that an international armed conflict is a conflict between states, and a conflict arises between states when one state uses force against another state. What does it mean for a use of force to be against another state? It means simply that the force is used on the territory of the other state without its consent. Note that this says nothing about whether that use of force is lawful or unlawful under the jus ad bellum. Such non-consensual uses of force may or may not be lawful under that body of law, and the application of IHL remains independent of the legality of the use of force under the jus ad bellum. It is also important to remember that saying that there an IAC between the two states says nothing about whether there is a NIAC between the state using force and the non-state group. There will, in many cases, be such a NIAC. This will raise questions about the relationship between the two conflicts: the IAC and the NIAC. However, the notion of mixed conflicts is by no means unusual or confined to this context. In the Nicaragua case the ICJ noted that it was addressing a situation where there was an IAC and a NIAC. The same was also true with regard to the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia or before that in Vietnam, which were also mixed.

In this post I wish to concentrate on why it might matter whether a use of force directed at a non-state actor on the territory of a non-consenting state is an IAC or a NIAC. What exactly would turn on this question. Here I provide a general response to that question rather than one directed particularly at answering the question (which has been the subject of some of the commentary on Just Security and Opinio Juris) of what would turn on whether the US is involved in an IAC in Syria. Some of the points below would be relevant for the US in that particular conflict, others might not be.

Here are a few reasons why it might make a difference whether a state using force on the territory of another without  the consent of the other is involved in an IAC (in addition to a NIAC, if one already exists). Read the rest of this entry…

 

Transatlantic Workshop on International Law and Armed Conflict: Introduction to a Joint Blog Series

Published on September 21, 2016        Author: 

In late July, a group of academic, military, and governmental experts from both sides of the Atlantic gathered at the University of Oxford for the fourth annual “Transatlantic Workshop on International Law and Armed Conflict”. The roundtable, held under the Chatham House Rule, and which this year included participants from Australia was held over two days and examined contemporary questions of international law relating to military operations.

This year’s event placed a particular emphasis not only on some substantive issues relating to the conduct of hostilities (such as targeting of “war sustaining” objects and the principle of proportionality), but on procedural obligations arising under the law of armed conflict. The procedural obligations discussed include the obligations of parties: to engage in review of the lawfulness of detentions in the armed conflict; to guarantee fair trials for those prosecuted for offences related to the conflict; and to investigate suspected violations of the law of armed conflict. Discussion of these procedural obligations focused on the content and scope of these obligations. The sessions also examined the extent to which these obligations apply to (and are capable of being fulfilled in) non-international armed conflicts and non-state armed groups. Inevitably, the sessions also considered the relationship between the procedural obligations imposed by international humanitarian law and those which may arise under international human rights law. To what extent should the latter inform the former?

Some of those who attended the workshop have agreed to participate in a series of blog posts focusing on specific topics that were addressed during the workshop. Three blogs, Intercross, EJIL:Talk!, and Lawfare, are coordinating the series, and will host the posts, outlined below. Each blog post represent’s the different authors’ perspectives, and not necessarily those of anyone else at the workshop, nor any of the institutions represented. The blogposts focus almost exclusively on procedural obligations in the law of armed conflict. In addition, there will be a post on the principle of proportionality under IHL. Although proportionality imposes a substantive obligation on parties not to cause damage or casualties which are excessive in relation to the anticipated military advantage, arguably, the attempts to achieve conformity with this obligation tend to be effected through particular processes and procedures . Read the rest of this entry…

 

Withdrawal from the United Nations: Would it have been Lawful for the Philippines?

Published on September 19, 2016        Author: 

50 years ago today (on 19 September 1966), the Ambassador of Indonesia to the United States sent a telegram to the UN Secretary-General stating that “my Government has decided to resume full co-operation with the United Nations and to resume participation in its activities . . .” That marked the beginning of the end of the only case where a UN member has purported to withdraw from the organization. Last month, Rodrigo Duterte, President of Indonesia’s neighbour, the Philippines, threatened that the country would withdraw from the United Nations because of criticism by two UN Special Rapporteurs (see here). As has been widely reported, and as pointed out by Marko a couple of weeks ago, hundreds of (or on some accounts up to 3000) suspected drug dealers or users have been killed since the Duterte took over in Philippines.  On 18 August, the UN Special Rapporteurs on Summary Executions and on the Right to Health issued a statement “urging the Government of the Philippines to put an end to the current wave of extrajudicial executions and killings in the context of an intensified anti-crime and anti-drug campaign targeting drug dealers and users.” In response, Philippines President Duterte stated that “maybe we’ll just have to decide to separate from the United Nations” (see here and here). The Philippines Foreign Minister later stated that the country had no plans to leave the UN, and Duterte himself subsequently stated that his threat was just a joke.

However, the threat to withdraw does raise the question of whether UN members may legally withdraw from the Organization. Although the circumstances are very different, and there are clear treaty provisions to provide guidance, British withdrawal from the European Union also provides cause to ponder more generally about how and when states may withdraw from international organizations. Would the Philippines have been entitled to withdraw from the UN? Unlike the position with the European Union, and it’s now well-known Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union), the UN Charter does not make explicit provision for withdrawal. This post explores whether despite the absence of specific provision,  a UN member is legally entitled to withdraw from the organization. Read the rest of this entry…

 

New Blog: Foreign States in English Courts

Published on July 1, 2016        Author: 

Over the past couple of decades there has been a significant increase in the number of cases in the English courts raising questions of international law. Many of those cases involve proceedings by or against foreign states, or occasionally raising issues involving foreign states even when not a party to the proceedings. I would like to draw the attention of our readers to a new blog Foreign States in English Courts which has been established by my colleague Professor Dan Sarooshi (also of Essex Court Chambers) and Robert Volterra (senior partner of Volterra Fietta) which will assist in keeping on top of this burgeoning case law. The blog is intended to provide concise, informative case summaries of recent and important English court decisions involving foreign States as litigants.  As they say:

This blog aims to highlight the latest, most important case law involving foreign States in the English courts. Our aim is not to provide a complete account of the factual matrix and law decided by each case, but rather to provide the busy practitioner with a quick reference to the most important cases as they emerge.

I am sure the blog will also be of interest to academics and students.

 
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Honour for Professor Colin Warbrick

Published on June 11, 2016        Author: 

I am delighted to note that Professor Colin Warbrick, Emeritus Professor at the University of Birmingham and longtime Professor of International Law at the University of Durham has been appointed in the Queen’s Birthday Honours list as “Companion of the Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George” (see here). So from now he is Professor Colin Warbrick CMG.Prof-Colin-Warbrick

For all who know Colin and who know his work, this appointment will immediately be recognised as a well deserved honour. Awards in the Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George are for service rendered internationally or in a foreign country and in Colin’s case, he is appointed CMG “for services to international law”. Those services to international law are indeed considerable. He has written on a wide range of areas of international law with some of his best known and most influential work dealing with issues of statehood and recognition, the application of international law in domestic law, and human rights law. He is a co-author of Harris, O’Boyle and Warbrick, The Law of the European Convention on Human Rights (OUP) now in its 3rd edition. For many years he was editor of the “Current Developments: Public International Law” section of the International and Comparative Law Quarterly, contributing many insightful pieces himself to that section.  He is also a member of the editorial committee of the British Yearbook of International Law and has had joint responsibility for the “United Kingdom Materials on International Law 2013” section of the Yearbook for quite some years. In those roles in the ICLQ and the BYIL Colin has done more than most to bring to light the reality of how international law works and develops, as well as to subject the big issues of the day to powerful international legal analysis. In addition to his scholarship, Colin has also acted as a consultant to international organizations like the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and was a specialist adviser to the Select Committee on the Constitution of the House of Lords. Read the rest of this entry…

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