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Self-Appointment in International Arbitration

Published on June 7, 2017        Author: 

At first glance, paragraph 14 of the UNCLOS Annex VII tribunal’s Order on Provisional Measures in Enrica Lexie (Italy v. India) appears quite mundane. It states in relevant part that “on 30 September 2015, the President of ITLOS appointed … H.E. Judge Vladimir Golitsyn as arbitrator and President of the Arbitral Tribunal” (para. 14). It becomes much more interesting, however, when one realizes that on 30 September 2015, the President of ITLOS was none other than Judge Golitsyn himself.

A similar phenomenon appears to have occurred in another high-profile UNCLOS Annex VII arbitration: Ukraine v. Russia. On 23 December 2016, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine revealed that Judge Boualem Bouguetaia would be a member of the tribunal, “express[ing] its gratitude to the Vice-President of [ITLOS] for rapid formation of the tribunal”. The Ministry failed to note, however, that on 23 December 2016 the Vice-President of ITLOS was none other than Judge Bouguetaia himself.

If it is true that Judges Golitsyn and Bouguetaia appointed themselves to the tribunals, they should not necessarily be reprimanded. After all, these self-appointments would be in accordance with Annex VII of UNCLOS. Article 3 of Annex VII provides that the parties shall appoint three of the five members of the tribunal by agreement, but if they are unable to agree, the appointments shall be made by the President of ITLOS or, if he or she is a national of one of the parties to the dispute, the next most senior member of ITLOS. In Enrica Lexie, this power fell on President Golitsyn. And in Ukraine v. Russia, since President Golitsyn is a national of Russia, this power fell on Vice-President Bouguetaia. Nothing in Article 3 prohibits the appointing authority from appointing him or herself to the arbitral tribunal.

Three Concerns

Nevertheless, an appointing authority’s self-appointment as an arbitrator, as a general matter in international arbitration, is subject to three potential concerns. Read the rest of this entry…

 

Back to Old Tricks? Italian Responsibility for Returning People to Libya

Published on June 6, 2017        Author: 

On 10/11 May 2017 various news outlets reported a maritime operation by the Libyan authorities, in coordination with the Italian Search and Rescue Authority, in which 500 individuals were intercepted in international waters and returned to Libya. This operation amounted to refoulment in breach of customary international law and several treaties (including the Geneva Refugee Convention and the European Convention on Human Rights), and an internationally wrongful act is one for which Italy bears international legal responsibility.

According to reports, the migrant and refugee boat called the Italian Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre (MRCCC) whilst it was still in Libyan territorial waters. MRCC contacted both the Libyan coastguard and an NGO vessel (Sea Watch-2) with the latter sighting the boat after it had left Libyan waters and was in international waters. During preparations for the rescue, the NGO boat was informed by the Italian authorities that the Libyan coastguard boat which was approaching had “on scene command” of the rescue operation. Attempts by the NGO vessel to contact the Libyan authorities were not picked up. The Coastguard proceeded instead to cut the way of the Sea Watch 2 at high speed and chase its rescue boat. It then stopped the refugees and migrant boat. Reports indicate that the Libyan coastguard captain threatened the refugees and migrants with a gun and then proceeded to take over the migrant boat. Read the rest of this entry…

 

Reflections on the US withdrawal from the Paris Climate Change Agreement

Published on June 5, 2017        Author: 

Ending months of fevered speculation, President Donald Trump fulfilled his campaign promise and announced US withdrawal from the 2015 Paris Agreement last week. He did so because in his opinion the Paris Agreement inflicts ‘severe energy restrictions’ on the United States and ‘punishes’ the United States ‘while imposing no meaningful obligations on the world’s leading polluters.’ This post seeks to examine the merits of the US’ stated rationale for withdrawing from the Paris Agreement, and then offers some reflections on next steps for the US in the international climate change regime.

How Valid are Trump’s Criticisms?

President Trump’s remarks reveal a fundamentally flawed understanding of the Paris Agreement. First, his remarks suggest that the Paris Agreement is a prescriptive instrument that ‘inflicts’ restrictions and ‘imposes’ obligations on states. This is not the case. Read the rest of this entry…

 

Announcements: International and Comparative Disaster Law Essay Contest; CfP Access and Exclusion in Global Governance; CILS Conference on State Boundary Affairs

Published on June 3, 2017        Author: 

1. International and Comparative Disaster Law Essay Contest. The second annual “International and Comparative Disaster Law Essay Contest” has been launched and the call for abstract is out (see here for awards, potential topics and criteria). This contest is co-sponsored by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), the American Society of International Law Disaster Law Interest Group (ASIL DLIG), the Jean Monnet Module on “International and EU Law” of Roma Tre University and the International Disaster Law Project. Essays may examine any issue related to law and disasters from an international or a comparative law perspective. It is open to current and recently graduated students (including PhD and master programs). Abstracts (not exceeding 500 words) should be received no later than 7 July. Authors of the most promising abstracts are requested to submit full essays by 31 October 2017. Awards: A monetary prize (Euro 500); Annual membership ASIL; Winner paper and papers with “honourable mention” published as a “Working Paper” of the IFRC’s Disaster Law Programme. Authors will retain copyright of their papers. Full details here.

2. Call for Papers: Access and Exclusion in Global Governance. IBEI and EsadeGeo will hold the fifth Barcelona Workshop on Global Governance on the topic of “Access and Exclusion in Global Governance” on 11 – 12 January 2018. Speakers include Deborah Avant (Denver), Eyal Benvenisti (Cambridge/Tel Aviv), B.S. Chimni (Delhi), Anna Leander (Copenhagen), and Joost Pauwelyn (Geneva). Details on the workshop can be found here. We invite abstract proposals from all disciplinary perspectives; they should be submitted to info {at} bcnwgg(.)net by 30 June 2017.

3. CILS Conference on State Boundary Affairs. The Center for International Law Studies of Universitas Indonesia, in collaboration with Faculty of Law Tanjungpura University, are pleased to announce the 8th CILS Conference on State Boundary Affairs. The Conference will be located at the Faculty of Law, Universitas Tanjungpura, Pontianak, Indonesia on 2-3 October 2017. See here for more details. The CILS invites all legal scholars and professionals to submit abstracts and papers over current developments and legal issues in international law within the scope of the following sub-themes: (1) Land Boundary; (2) Maritime Boundary; (3) Border Security; (4) Cross-Border Trade, and (5) General Topic.
Filed under: Announcements and Events
 
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Macron’s Threat of Reprisals and the Jus ad Bellum

Published on June 2, 2017        Author: 

A few days ago, French President Macron reportedly said that the use of chemical weapons in Syria would cross a “red line” for France and result in reprisals. Macron’s statement comes less than two months after the United States conducted airstrikes against Syria for its use of chemical weapons. The vast majority of states that spoke about the U.S. operation supported or were non-committal about it. Very few states condemned it as unlawful. By contrast, most commentators contended that the operation was unlawful. (See the blog posts collected here.) The operation was inconsistent with the longstanding interpretation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter and not covered by either of the Charter exceptions. Moreover, though there is an ongoing debate about whether the jus ad bellum contains a third exception for humanitarian interventions, the majority view is that it does not. The reason for this view is that, even when states (as a group) appear to condone particular operations that might be characterized as unilateral humanitarian interventions, states decline to articulate the opinio juris that is necessary to establish a new, generally applicable exception to Article 2(4). And in any event, the U.S. operation in April seemed more like a reprisal than like a humanitarian intervention.

So, what should we make of Macron’s statement? When news of it broke, I tweeted this comment:

Several people objected to my tweet. I am continuing the conversation here because I thought it might be of interest to a broader audience, and because its implications go far beyond Macron’s statement. It has to do with how we understand and assess the jus ad bellum. Read the rest of this entry…

 

EJIL Talk! Book Discussion: Djemila Carron’s Response

Published on June 2, 2017        Author: 

This post is part of our book discussion on Djemila Carron’s “L’acte déclencheur d’un conflit armé international“.

Introduction

I am grateful to the editors of EJIL: Talk! for organizing this discussion – the first one around a book in French! I also would like to warmly thank Professor Julia Grignon and Doctor Tristan Ferraro – whose articles, books and reflections were very important while writing L’acte déclencheur d’un conflit armé international – for their thoughtful comments on my work. In this contribution, I consider some of the questions they raise in each of their pieces, mainly on the capture of a soldier as a triggering act of an IAC (response to Julia Grignon) and on the classification of transnational armed conflict (response to Tristan Ferraro).

Animus belligerendi

I will not respond in detail to Julia Grignon’s development of my rejection of a criteria of animus belligerendi for the existence of an IAC (Part II, Question VI). She perfectly summed up my main arguments. The intent of a State to be in an IAC or in a state of war has no influence on the existence of an IAC. Once again, to exclude subjective elements from the definition of an IAC was one of the key reason for the shift in 1949 from the notion of war to the one of IAC. This said, as explained in the book, for such a conflict to take place, a State must nevertheless have the intent to use force against another one. I propose to defend this element through the objective requirements on the origin of an IAC (Part II, Question IV). In other words, if a State uses force against another one through its organs, acting in their capacity, following instructions and not mistakenly, the animus to use force is considered fulfilled. Read the rest of this entry…

 
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EJIL Talk! Book Discussion: The Act that Triggers an International Armed Conflict

Published on June 1, 2017        Author: 

This post is part of our book discussion on Djemila Carron’s “L’acte déclencheur d’un conflit armé international“.

While giving an interpretation of Article 2 common to the Geneva Conventions, in order to define the notion of international armed conflict, Djemila Carron touches upon a profusion of subsequent questions. This is one of the interests of this book. This is also what makes this present contribution challenging. Indeed, reading Djemila Carron’s reflection on the act that triggers an international armed conflict makes one, me at least, want to write a ten page contribution on each specific topic. And this is not only because of the proximity between the subject analyzed in her book and my own area of interest in research in international humanitarian law. In my view, in addition to the overall depth and quality of Djemila Carron’s rationale, there are two reasons that explain that feeling when reading her book. First, the prism through which she has decided to deliver the results of her research, that is an analysis under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, and second the choice that she has made to answer six (plus one) specific questions in order to reach her own conclusions. Not only does a rigorous interpretation that follows the methodology of the Vienna Convention offer a new perspective for the exercise of classification of conflicts, but it also gives a broad overview which is enriched, at the same time, with numerous and often thought-provoking details. In parallel, the structure of the work, built around specific questions, gives the opportunity to open a dialogue. An opportunity that I seize in the following lines.

In the present contribution I have arbitrarily, but purposely, chosen to focus on two of the many issues that the author explores in order to analyze the act triggering an international armed conflict, namely the capture as an act that may trigger an international armed conflict and the necessity, or not, of identifying an animus belligerendi in order to classify a situation as international armed conflict. Within the structure of the book, the first is a sub-question of Question II regarding the nature of the triggering act and the second is a Question in such, namely Question VI regarding the necessity of an animus belligerendi. This choice has been made on purpose, since these two topics are among those with which I have dealt in my own research, but through a different prism, that is the temporal scope of applicability of international humanitarian law. Read the rest of this entry…

 
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